By John P. Schmal
Yaqui, Mayo and Opata Rebellions of 1825-1833.
After Mexico gained independence in 1822, the Yaquis became citizens of
a new nation. During this time, there appeared a new Yaqui leader. Ms.
Linda Zoontjens, the author of A Brief History of the Yaqui and Their Land, referred to Juan de la Cruz Banderas as a "revolutionary visionary" whosemission
was to establish an Indian military confederation. Once again, the Mayo
Indians joined their Yaqui neighbors in opposing the central
authorities. With a following of 2,000 warriors, Banderas carried out
several raids. But eventually, Banderas made an arrangement with the
Government of Sonora. In exchange for his "surrender," Banderas was made
the Captain-General of the Yaqui Militia. By early 1832, Banderas had
formed an alliance with the Opatas. Together, the Opatas and Yaquis were
able to field an army of almost 2,500 warriors, staging repeated raids
against haciendas, mines and towns in Sonora. However, the Mexican army
continued to meet the indigenous forces in battle, gradually reducing
their numbers. Finally, in December 1832, volunteers tracked down and
captured Banderas. The captive was turned over to the authorities and
put on trial. A month later, in January 1833, Banderas was executed,
along with eleven other Yaqui, Mayo and Opata leaders who had helped
foment rebellion in Sonora.
The
Yaqui people, after the capture and execution of Banderas, subsided
into a tense, uneasy existence. Some, during periods of food shortage,
would take up "peaceful" residence outside the presidios, to ask for
rations. Others undertook low-level raiding.
Confrontations with Comanches - Sonora, Chihuahua and Durango (1834-1853).
In 1834, Mexico signed its third peace treaty with the Comanches of
Texas. However, almost immediately Mexico violated the peace treaty and
the Comanches resumed their raids in Texas and Chihuahua. In the
following year, Sonora, Chihuahua and Durango reestablished bounties for
Comanche scalps. Between 1848 and 1853, Mexico filed 366 separate
claims for Comanche and Apache raids originating from north of the
American border.
A government report from 1849 claimed that
twenty-six mines, thirty haciendas, and ninety ranches in Sonora had
been abandoned or depopulated between 1831 and 1849 because of Apache
depredations. In 1852, the Comanches made daring raids into Coahuila,
Chihuahua, Sonora, and Durango and even Tepic in Jalisco, some 700 miles
south of the United States-Mexican border.
The Yaqui Indians (1838-1868).
After the death of Banderas, the Yaqui Indians attempted to forge
alliances with anyone who promised them land and autonomy. They would
align themselves with the Centralists or Conservatives as long as those
groups protected their lands from being encroached upon. But when
General José Urrea took power in 1841, he oversaw the division of Yaqui
lands from communal plots into private plots.
Governor Ignacio
Pesqueira of Sonora drew up a list of preventative measures to be used
against the Yaquis, Opatas and their allies. These orders called for the
execution of rebel leaders. In addition, hacienda owners were required
to make up lists of all employees, including a notation for those who
were suspected of taking part in rebellious activity against the civil
government. These measures were ineffective in dealing with the growing
unrest among the Yaqui and Opatas.In
1867 Governor Pesqueira of Sonora organized two military expeditions
against the Yaquis under the command of General Jesus Garcia Morales.
The expeditions marched on Guaymas and Cócorit, both of which lay in the
heart of Yaqui territory. These expeditions met at Medano on the Gulf
Coast near the Jesuit-founded Yaqui town of Potam. The two expeditions,
totaling about 900 men, did not meet with any organized resistance.
Instead, small parties of Yaquis resisted their advance. By the end of
the year, the Mexican forces had killed many Yaquis. The troops
confiscated much livestock, destroyed food supplies, and shot most of
the prisoners captured.
Apache Depredations - Chihuahua and Sonora (1836-1852).
In 1836, the famous Chiricahua leader, Cochise, took part in the
signing of a peace treaty at Arizpe, Sonora. The peace did not last for
too many years. From 1847 into the 1850s, Sonora was laid to waste by
the Chiricahuas, whose leader was Miguel Narbona, who died in 1856.
Geronimo,
the legendary Bedonkohe Apache leader of the Chiricahua Apaches, led
his people in raids against the United States military and Mexican
federal forces. Born sometime around 1823, Geronimo's real name was
Goyahkla ("He Who Yawns"). In 1851, Geronimo was leading a party from
the Mogollon Mountains of New Mexico into Mexico to trade at Casas
Grandes in Chihuahua. His mother, wife, and three children were with
him. His band set up a village on the outskirts of Casas Grandes.
One
day he and some others were returning from town and found that their
village had been attacked by Mexican troops. The sentinels had been
killed, the ponies stolen, weapons taken, supplies destroyed, and many
women and children had been killed. Among the murdered were his mother,
wife, and children. From this day forward, Geronimo was a changed
person. He is said to have become bitter and quarrelsome and determined
to oppose the nations he saw as his enemies.
Over
the next few months he met with other Apache leaders, including
Cochise, the leader of the Chiricahuas. Within four months of the
massacre, Geronimo and the other leaders prepared for revenge. In
January 1852, near Arizpe, Sonora, Geronimo battled about a hundred
Mexican irregular soldiers.
Yaqui Insurgencies - Sonora (1868-1875).
During these years, the Yaquis regained their strength and periodically
attacked Mexican garrisons in their territory. In March 1868, six
hundred Yaquis arrived near the town of Bacum in the eastern Yaqui
country to ask the local field commander for peace terms. However, the
Mexican officer, Colonel Bustamante, arrested the whole group, including
women and children. When the Yaquis gave up forty-eight weapons,
Bustamante released 150 people but continued to hold the other 450
people. Taking his captives to a Yaqui church in Bacum as prisoners of
war, he was able to identify ten of the captives as leaders. All ten of
these men were shot without a trial.
Four hundred and forty
people were left languishing in the church overnight, with Bustamante's
artillery trained on the church door to discourage an escape attempt.
However, during the night a fire was started in the church. The
situation inside the church turned to chaos and confusion, as some
captives desperately tried to break down the door. As the Yaquis fled
the church, several salvos fired from the field pieces killed up to 120
people.
In 1875, the Mexican government suspected that a Yaqui
insurrection was brewing. In an attempt to pacify the Yaquis, Governor
Jose J. Pesqueira ordered a new campaign, sending five hundred troops
from the west into the Yaqui country. A force of 1,500 Yaquis met the
Mexican troops at Pitahaya. In the subsequent battle, the Yaquis are
believed to have lost some sixty men.Cajeme and the Yaqui Rebellions During the Porfiriato (1876-1887).
During the reign of Porfirio Díaz, the ongoing struggle for autonomy
and land rights dominated Yaqui-Mexican relations. An extraordinary
leader named Cajeme now took center stage in the Yaquis' struggle for
autonomy. Cajeme, whose name meant "He who does not drink," was born
José María Leyva. He learned Spanish and served in the Mexican army.
Although Cajeme's parents were Yaqui Indians, he had become very
Mexicanized. Cajeme's military service with the Mexican army was so
exemplary that he was given the post of Alcalde Mayor of the Yaqui River
area. Soon after receiving this promotion, however, Cajeme announced
his intention to withdraw recognition of the Mexican Government if they
did not grant the Yaquis self-government. Cajeme galvanized a new
generation of Yaquis and Mayos and led his forces against selected towns
in Yaqui Country.
Mexican Offensives Against the Yaquis (1885-1901).
Dr. Hatfield, in studying the struggle over Indian lands, wrote, "Rich
Yaqui and Mayo valley lands possessed a soil and climate capable of
growing almost any crop. Therefore, it was considered in the best
national interest to open these lands to commercial development and
foreign investors." During the 1880s, the Governor of Sonora, Carlos
Ortiz, became concerned about his state's sovereignty over Indian lands.
In the hopes of seizing Indian Territory, Ortiz withdrew his state
troopers from the border region where they had been fighting the Apache
Indians. In the meantime, Cajeme's forces began attacking haciendas,
ranches and stations of the Sonora Railroad in the Guaymas and Alamos
districts.
With rebel forces causing so much trouble, General
Luis Torres, the Governor of Sonora, petitioned the Federal Government
for military aid. Recognizing the seriousness of this rebellion, Mexican
President Porfirio Díaz authorized his Secretary of War to begin a
campaign against the Sonoran rebels. In 1885, 1,400 federal troops
arrived in Sonora to help the Sonoran government put down the
insurrection. Together with 800 state troops, the federal forces were
organized into an expedition, with the intention of meeting the Yaquis
in battle.
During 1886, the
Yaquis continued to fortify more of their positions. Once again, Mexican
federal and state forces collaborated by making forays into Yaqui
country. This expedition confiscated more than 20,000 head of livestock
and, in April 1886, occupied the Yaqui town of Cócorit. On May 5, the
fortified site of Anil was captured after a pitched battle. After
suffering several serious military reverses, the Yaqui forces fell back
to another fortified site at Buatachive, high in the Sierra de Bacatet,
to make a last stand against the Mexican forces.
Putting together
a fighting force of 4,000 Yaquis, along with thousands of Yaqui
civilians, Cajeme prepared to resist. On May 12, after a four-day siege,
Mexican troops under General Angel Martinez, attacked Buatachive. In a
three-hour battle, the Mexican forces killed 200 Yaqui soldiers, while
capturing hundreds of women and children. Cajeme and a couple thousand
Yaquis managed to escape the siege.
After this staggering blow,
Cajeme divided his forces into small bands of armed men. From this point
on, the smaller units tried to engage government troops in small
skirmishes. Although Cajeme asked the Federal authorities for a truce,
the military leaders indicated that all Yaqui territory was part of the
nation of Mexico. After a few months, expeditions into the war zone led
to the capture of four thousand people. With the end of the rebellion in
sight, General Luis Torres commenced with the military occupation of
the entire Yaqui Nation.
With the end of hostilities, Mexican
citizens began filtering into Yaqui territory to establish permanent
colonies. On April 12, 1887, nearly a year after the Battle of
Buatachive, Cajeme was apprehended near Guaymas and taken to Cócorit
where he was to be executed before a firing squad in 1887. After being
interviewed and photographed by Ramon Corral, he was taken by steamboat
to Medano but was shot while trying to escape from the soldiers.
Government
forces, searching for and confronting armed Yaquis, killed 356 Yaqui
men and women over a period of two years. A comprehensive search for the
Yaqui holdouts in their hiding places forced the rebels into the
Guaymas Valley where they mingled with Yaqui laborers on haciendas and
in railroad companies. As a result, the Mexican Government accused
owners of haciendas, mining and railroad companies of shielding criminal
Yaqui fugitives. Circulars were issued which forbade the owners from
giving money, provisions, or arms to the rebels. During this time, some
Yaquis were able to slip across the border into Arizona to work in mines
and purchase guns and ammunition. The Mexican border guards were unable
to stop the steady supply of arms and provisions coming across the
border from Arizona. Eventually, Mexico's Secretary of War ordered the
recruitment of Opatas and Pimas to hunt down the Yaqui guerillas.
In
1894-95, Luis Torres instituted a secret police system and carried out a
meticulous survey of the entire Sierra de Bacatete, noting locations of
wells supplying fresh water as well as all possible entrances and exits
to the region. Renegade bands of Yaquis, familiar with the terrain of
their own territory, were able to avoid capture by the government
forces. During the campaign of 1895-97, captured rebels were deported to
southern Mexico to be drafted into the army.
In 1897, the
commander of the campaign forces, General Torres initiated negotiations
with the Yaqui leader Tetabiate, offering the Yaquis repatriation into
their homeland. After a number of months of correspondence between the
guerilla leader and a colonel in one of the regiments, a place was set
for a peace agreement to be signed. On May 15, 1897, Sonora state
officials and the Tetabiate signed the Peace of Ortiz. The Yaqui leader,
Juan Maldonado, with 390 Yaquis, consisting of 74 families, arrived
from the mountains for the signing of the peace treaty.In
the six years following the signing of peace, Lorenzo Torres, the
Governor of Sonora, made efforts to complete the Mexican occupation of
Yaqui territory. Ignoring the terms of the peace treaty, four hundred
Yaquis and their families defied the government and assembled in the
Bacatete Mountains. Under the command of their leader Tetabiate, the
Yaquis sustained themselves by making nighttime raids on the haciendas
near Guaymas.
In the meantime, Federal troops and army engineers,
trying to survey the Yaqui lands for distribution, found the terrain to
be very difficult and were constantly harassed by defiant rebel forces.
The government could not understand the Yaqui refusal to divide their
land and become individual property owners. Their insistence of communal
ownership based on traditional indigenous values also supported their
objection to having soldiers in their territory. However, resentful of
the continuing military occupation of their territory, the Yaqui
colonies of Bácum and Vícam took up arms in 1899. Large detachments of
rebel Yaqui forces confronted troops on the Yaqui River and suffered
large casualties. Afterwards, a force of three thousand fled to the
sierras and barricaded themselves on a plateau called Mazocoba where
they were defeated by government troops.
When Tetabiate and the
rebel forces fled to the Sierras, the government sent out its largest
contingent to date with almost five thousand federal and state troops to
crush this latest rebellion. Laws restricting the sale of firearms were
reenacted and captured rebels were deported from the state. On January
18,1900, three columns of his Government forces encountered a party of
Yaquis at Mazocoba in the heart of the Bacatete Mountains. The Yaquis,
mostly on foot, were pursued into a box canyon in a rugged portion of
the mountains.After a daylong
battle, the Yaquis ceased fighting. The soldiers had killed 397 men,
women, and some children, while many others had committed suicide by
jumping off the cliffs. Roughly a thousand women and children were taken
prisoner. By the end of 1900, there were only an estimated 300 rebels
holding out in the Bacatete Mountains. Six months later, Tetabiate was
betrayed and murdered by one of his lieutenants and the Secretary of War
called off the campaign in August 1901.
Deportation of Yaqui Indians (1902-1910).
Following the Battle of Mazocoba and the killing of Tetabiate, Mexican
forces continued to patrol the Bacatetes. The Mexicans pursued Yaqui
rebels wherever there were alleged to be. The government also put
pressure on Seri Indians to kill and cut off the hands of Yaquis who had
sought refuge on Tiburon Island.
Meanwhile the federal
government had decided on a course of action for clearing Yaquis out of
the state of Sonora. Colonel Emilio Kosterlitzky was placed in charge of
Federal Rural Police in the state with orders to round up all Yaquis
and deport them southward. Between 1902 -1908, between eight and
possibly as many as fifteen thousand of the estimated population of
thirty thousand Yaquis were deported.
The years 1904 through 1907
witnessed an intensification of guerilla activities and corresponding
government persecution. The state government issued passports to Yaquis
and those not having them were arrested and jailed. The Sonoran Governor
Rafael Izábel was so intent on pacifying the Yaquis that he conducted
his own arrests. These arrests included women, children as well as
sympathizers. "When Yaqui rebellion threatened Sonora's mining
interests," writes Dr. Hatfield, "Governor Rafael Izábel deported
Yaquis, considered superior workers by all accounts, to work on
Yacatán's henequen plantations."In
analyzing the Mexican Government's policy of deportation, Dr. Hatfield
observed that deportation of the Yaquis resulted from "the Yaquis'
determination to keep their lands. Yaqui refusal to submit to government
laws conflicted with the Mexican government's attempts to end all
regional hegemony. The regime hoped to take Yaqui lands peacefully, but
this the Yaquis prevented."
The bulk of the Yaquis were sent to
work on hennequen plantations in the Yucatán and some were sent to work
in the sugar cane fields in Oaxaca. Sonoran hacendados protested the
persecution and deportation of the Yaquis because without their labor,
their crops could not be cultivated or harvested. In the early
Nineteenth Century, many Yaqui men emigrated to Arizona in order to
escape subjugation and deportation to southern Mexico. Today, some
10,000 Yaqui Indians live in the United States, many of them descended
from the refugees of a century ago.
Dr. Hatfield, in looking back
on the long struggle of the Yaqui against the federal government,
writes "A government study published in 1905 cited 270 instances of
Yaqui and Mayo warfare between 1529 and 1902, excluding eighty-five
years of relative peace between 1740 and 1825." But from 1825 to 1902,
the Yaqui Nation was waging war on the government almost continuously.
By
1910, the Yaquis had been almost entirely eliminated from their
homeland. The Yaquis fought their last major battle with Mexican forces
in 1927. However, in 1939, Mexican President Cardenas granted the Yaqui
tribe official recognition and title to roughly one-third of their
traditional tribal lands.
Indigenous Groups Past and Present.
In the 1895 census, Sonora was reported to have 27,790 persons aged 5
years or more who spoke an indigenous language, compared to a
Spanish-speaking population of 162,236. But this figure dropped
steadily, in the 1900 census to 25,894 indigenous speakers and in 1910
to 14,554.In the unique 1921
Mexican census, residents of each state were asked to classify
themselves in several categories, including "indígena pura" (pure
indigenous), "indígena mezclada con blanca" (indigenous mixed with
white) and "blanca" (white). Out of a total state population of 275,127,
37,914 persons (or 13.8%) claimed to be of pure indigenous background. A
much larger number - 111,089, or 40.4% - classified themselves as being
mixed, while 115,151 (41.9%) claimed to be white.
In the 1921
census, only 6,765 residents of Sonora admitted to speaking an
indigenous language. The most commonly spoken indigenous language was
the Mayo language, which 5,941 individuals used. The Yaqui language was
spoken by only 562 persons. This meager showing may have been the result
of the deportations, but may also indicate that many Yaqui speakers
were fearful of admitting their linguistic and cultural identity, for
fear of government reprisal. By the time of the 1930 census, 6,024
residents of Sonora claimed to speak indigenous languages, and another
18,873 were bilingual, speaking Spanish and an indigenous language.
In
the present day, the Yaquis have managed to maintain a form of autonomy
within the Mexican nation. In the 2000 Mexican census, Sonora had a
total of 55,694 persons who were classified as speakers of indigenous
languages five years of age and over. This group represented only 2.85%
of the entire population of Sonora. The population of persons speaking
the Yaqui language, however, was only 12,467. The number of persons
speaking the Mayo language was 25,879, representing almost half of all
the indigenous speakers. Several thousand Zapotecos and Mixtecos -
migrant laborers from the states of Guerrero and Oaxaca - also resided
in the state.
After five
centuries, the Yaqui identity has been successfully preserved but is in
danger of cultural extinction. "They are threatened continually by the
expansion of the Mexican population, as landless Mexicans invade their
territory or intermarry with Yaquis and start to take over some of the
lands," explained Joe Wilder, Director of the University of Arizona's
Southwest Center. "The Yaquis are at once deeply admired by Sonorans and
deeply despised," said Wilder, noting that the Yaqui deer dancer is the
official state symbol. To many Americans, the Yaqui Indians represent
an enduring legacy of the pre-Hispanic era. Because the mestizaje and
assimilation of many Mexican states was so complete and widespread, the
Yaqui Indians are seen as a rare vestige of the old Mexico.
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